The struggle for control of Pakistan!

 Soon to be the fifth most populous country in the world with the fifth largest nuclear arsenal — intensifies every day. The outcome is far from certain. The key player, Pakistan’s army, seems dangerously ambivalent about which side should prevail: the jihadist Frankenstein it created or the democratically elected civilian government it despises.

The American commando raid that killed Osama bin Laden on May 2nd accelerated the struggle underway inside Pakistan to determine the country’s future. Contrary to some assessments, Pakistan is neither a failed state nor a failing state. It functions as effectively today as in decades past. Rather it is a state under siege from a radical syndicate of terror groups loosely aligned together with the goal of creating an extremist jihadist state in south Asia. They want to hijack Pakistan and its weapons.

Less than a hundred hours after the Abbottabad raid, Al Qaeda’s shura council, its command centre, announced the group was declaring war on Pakistan and the “traitors and thieves” in the government who had betrayed the “martyr shaykh” bin Laden to the Americans. It was ironic since many Americans suspect the Pakistani army was actually complicit in abetting bin Laden’s successful evasion of the largest manhunt in human history for 10 years. That both Al Qaeda and America distrust the Pakistani army speaks volumes.

Since then Al Qaeda and its allies in Pakistan have carried out their threat with a vengeance. Suicide bombings and other terror attacks have occurred across the country. The worst was an attack on a major Pakistani navy base in Karachi, a heavily guarded facility where both US and Chinese experts assist the navy. Two US-made P3 surveillance aircraft were destroyed in the attack. The assailants had insider knowledge of the base, and Pakistani security has arrested former naval personnel accused of helping the attackers.

The Karachi attack illustrates the essence of the battle for Pakistan today. The militants support Al Qaeda, but were members of its ally the Pakistani Taleban. Their goal was to humiliate the navy. The navy fought back, but is riddled with jihadist sympathisers who help the militants.

The Pakistani army is genuinely at war with parts of the syndicate of jihadi terror in Pakistan like Al Qaeda and the Taleban. It has more than 140,000 troops engaged in operations against the militants along the Afghan border. Some 35,000 Pakistanis including several thousand soldiers have died in the fighting since 2001, the equivalent of a dozen 911s.

The army’s ambivalence about the jihad flows from its deep obsession with India. Pakistan — with American help — created the jihad in the 1980s to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan. But from the start the ISI, commanded by then dictator Zia-ul Haq and his ISI director general Akhtar Rahman, planned to use jihadi groups against India as well and build an international cadre of mujahideen to help fight India. Over the decades the “S” Department of ISI established close connections with scores of jihadi groups, becoming a state within ISI, which in turn is a state within the army. The army decides national-security policy with little or no input from the political establishment. The jihadist penetrations of the army raise persistent questions about the security of Pakistan’s nukes. According to a Wiki Leaked State Department cable, from September 2009, France’s national security adviser Jean-David Levitte told the American Embassy in Paris that France believes it is not secure. Levitte is one of the most astute diplomats in the world today, and he is almost certainly right.

The policies that would help wean the Pakistani army off its obsession with India and jihad are well known. A concerted effort to end the Indo-Pakistani conflict is essential. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, despite Mumbai, is trying to do just that. But it is a hard challenge. Talks to resolve the relatively simple issue of the disputed Siachen Glacier, the world’s highest war zone at the roof of the Himalayas, failed again in May. The harder issue, Kashmir, will probably take years to resolve at best.

But we don’t have years. Only a fortnight before the Abbottabad raid, General Kayani gave a speech at the military academy in the city, almost within earshot of bin Laden. In his remarks Kayani claimed the back of the militant syndicate in Pakistan had been broken and the army had triumphed. It is now clear he was badly mistaken.

Pakistan fighting multi-pronged battle:

Since May 2, Pakistan has been in a state of undeclared, multi-pronged war. It is something of a pincer movement, with one flank being external to the country, while the other is internal but commanded by certain regional as also extra-regional powers.
There is no convincing reason to believe that the May 2 raid conducted by the United States at a residential place in Abbottabad did take out Osama Bin Laden or that the same was conducted without the prior knowledge or approval of Pakistan. All that has come out so far suggests otherwise.
The unfolding narrative has necessarily to be seen in the perspective of the divorce made by Islamabad consequent to the capture of CIA operative Raymond Davis in Lahore on Jan. 27 and his interrogation at the hands of the notorious Punjab police about which many South Asians share a joke.
That has to do with how a certain stolen donkey of a village influential was “recovered” by cops from this force in the form of a poor elephant shouting all the way on top of his voice from the wilderness to the habitation: “I am that same donkey.”
So this particular White elephant of ours sang like a canary after being feted by studs at the dingy Old Anarkali Police Station overnight. He compromised in the process not only his own mission; which was but one string of the covert war launched by the CIA to destabilize Pakistan; but also numerous cells of fifth columnists spread all over the country.
That turned the tables on both America and its quislings within Pakistani political and diplomatic echelons. All strategic decisions came under the firm grip of the military leadership. It still suited the latter to let the democratic circus go on.
Having ended the marriage of inconvenience with Uncle Sam that it had been coerced into at gunpoint following 9/11, Islamabad effectively broke off whatever little cooperation it had been obliged to extend to the pathological sex offender. It was time for the ugly American to pack his bags and go back to where he had come from.

The United States was for once desperate. It still beseeched a less than dishonorable exit (of most but not all of its military presence) from Afghanistan. Pakistan obliged with the caveat that Washington would utilize it strategic partnership with New Delhi to arrive at a peaceful settlement of the Kashmir dispute.
Kashmir, with Pakistan’s water lifeline of the Indus River System emanating overwhelmingly from the territory of the former Princely State under India’s illegitimate control, has become a concern of the state’s survival.
India has persistently, albeit not surprisingly, been eating up Pakistan’s share as the lower riparian recipient of the Indus Water System allocated by the 1960 Treaty brokered by the United States. The large number of new projects it is currently working on upstream pose a real and present threat to Pakistan.
If these schemes are made operable now, India would be in a position to remove the only physical obstacle in the way of launching a military assault to have a handle on Pakistani Punjab’s narrow waist: it could dry up the canals; most crucially, the Bambanwala Ravi Bedian (BRB) Link Canal to expose Lahore; this summer by storing more water in its planned reservoirs upstream.

Pakistan has delivered on its word to the United States; it has let Uncle Sam take the purported trophy of Osama’s head so that the former’s espoused “graceful” exit can be materialized. “We had gone to war in Afghanistan to take out the big bad guys; we have achieved the mission. Time for our brave soldiers to be reunited with their families!” Obama would declare triumphantly. Loud applause all across the United States.
Obama’s popularity graph has already started going up. Upcoming mid-term Congressional elections are finally not such a big problem for the Democratic Party; the president’s re-election next year also appears a less formidable challenge.
What of India? New Delhi is squirming. Deliver it must. It would not be easy for the bloated self-image of ‘Shining’ India that cannot feed well over its billion-plus population to come to terms with the changed geo-strategic realities.


Then came the attack on the Karachi naval-cum-army base of Mehran on May 22, crippling Pakistan’s naval surveillance arm by destroying two P-3C Orion aircraft; India and India alone has the motive for the cowardly crime. But then, what else is new in New Delhi?
Meanwhile, China has, taking a break from its long-held policy of not going public on diplomatic messages to India, clearly sounded an unmistakable warning for India to keep its hands off Pakistan.

The Drone Dilemma!!!

Public Enemy Number One is inflation. Public Enemy Number Two is terrorism. Public Enemy Number Three is unemployment. In January 2011, Gallup Pakistan, the Pakistani affiliate of Gallup International, carried out a survey of a nationally representative sample of 2,754 men and women in rural and urban areas of all four provinces of the country. They were asked the following question: “In your opinion which is the biggest problem currently faced by Pakistan?”
A total of 55 percent considered inflation the biggest issue currently faced by Pakistanis, followed by 21 percent who considered terrorism the biggest issue and 16 percent who said unemployment was the biggest problem (eight percent gave other responses).
Conclusion: For 92 percent of all Pakistanis, drone attacks are not the “biggest problem currently faced by Pakistan.” (http://gallup.com.pk/Polls/27-01-11.pdf)
There have so far been a total of 249 drone strikes since the first strike on June 18, 2004. Of the 249 strikes, 70 percent have landed on targets in North Waziristan Agency (NWA). As per the 1988 census, the NWA has 361,246 residents. When was the last time that these residents protested against these strikes?
Next, of the 249 strikes, 24 percent have landed on targets in South Waziristan Agency (SWA). As per the 1988 census the SWA has 429,841 residents. When was the last time that these residents protested against these strikes?
Next, Golden Arrow, the 7th Infantry Division of Pakistan Army’s XI Corps is our “oldest and most battle-hardened division.” The men and officers of Golden Arrow have fought in the Indo-Pakistani Wars of 1947, 1965, 1971, the ongoing Siachen War and the Indo-Pakistani War of 1999. Among its notable commanders are General Yahya Khan and General Asif Nawaz.
Major General Ghayur Mehmood (Tamgha-e-Basalat) is the current General-Officer-Commanding Golden Arrow. The 7th Infantry Division with its 20,000 plus officers and men, is currently deployed in Miranshah, the headquarters of the NWA.
On March 9, 2011, Major General Ghayur Mehmood called a media briefing. The general said: “Myths and rumours about US Predator strikes and the casualty figures are many, but it’s a reality that many of those being killed in these strikes are hard-core elements and a sizable number of them are foreigners.”

Next, according to the BBC, “Recent research by the Ariana Institute in Islamabad found that around 80 percent of people interviewed in Pakistan’s tribal belt felt that targeting by the drone strikes was accurate. Many said that foreign fighters (Arabs, Uzbeks and Tajiks, among them) in particular were being affected. Dr Khadim Hussain, director of the institute, says research about whether or not Waziris resented the drone strikes proved inconclusive.” (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/mobile/world-south-asia-10728844)
Next, there is no statistical correlation between drone strikes and suicide attacks. To begin with, the first suicide attack in Pakistan took place on November 19, 1995 that killed 17 and injured more than 60 in Islamabad. In 2002, there were two more suicide attacks. Suicide attacks peaked in 2009 when there were 78 attacks but drone attacks kept on increasing from 53 in 2009 to 117 in 2010.
Next, the Pakistan Army has over the years developed-and refined-a highly complex combat doctrine called the ‘Riposte’ (French for ‘retort’). In essence, it is a limited ‘offensive-defence’ fully focused towards India, Pakistan’s archenemy. Our man-portable air defence systems, medium-altitude air defence systems, high-altitude air defence systems and our anti-aircraft guns are all focused towards India.
Truth, it is said, is beautiful, without doubt; but so are lies. A lie is known to travel halfway around the world while the truth is putting on its shoes. To be sure, truth makes nations strong, not weak.

History of Suicide bombing and The Western origins:

The actor Will Smith is no one’s image of a suicide bomber. With his boyish face, he has often played comic roles. Even as the last man on earth in I Am Legend, he retains a wise-cracking, ironic demeanor. And yet, surrounded by a horde of hyperactive vampires at the end of that film, Smith clasps a live grenade to his chest and throws himself at the enemy in a final burst of heroic sacrifice.

Wait a second: surely that wasn’t a suicide bombing. Will Smith wasn’t reciting suras from the Koran. He wasn’t sporting one of those rising sun headbands that the Japanese kamikaze wore for their suicide missions. He wasn’t playing a religious fanatic or a political extremist. Will Smith was the hero of the film. So how could he be a suicide bomber? After all, he’s one of us, isn’t he?

As it happens, we have our suicide bombers too. “We” are the powerful, developed countries, the ones with an overriding concern for individual liberties and individual lives. “We” form a moral archipelago that encompasses the United States, Europe, Israel, present-day Japan, and occasionally Russia. Whether in real war stories or inspiring vignettes served up in fiction and movies, our lore is full of heroes who sacrifice themselves for motherland, democracy, or simply their band of brothers. Admittedly, these men weren’t expecting 72 virgins in paradise and they didn’t make film records of their last moments, but our suicidal heroes generally have received just as much praise and recognition as “their” martyrs.

The scholarly work on suicide bombers is large and growing. Most of these studies focus on why those other people do such terrible things, sometimes against their own compatriots but mainly against us. According to the popular view, Shiite or Tamil or Chechen suicide martyrs have a fundamentally different attitude toward life and death.

If, however, we have our own rich tradition of suicide bombers — and our own unfortunate tendency to kill civilians in our military campaigns — how different can these attitudes really be?

Western Jihad

In America’s first war against Islam, we were the ones who introduced the use of suicide bombers. Indeed, the American seamen who perished in the incident were among the U.S. military’s first missing in action.

It was September 4, 1804. The United States was at war with the Barbary pirates along the North African coast. The U.S. Navy was desperate to penetrate the enemy defenses. Commodore Edward Preble, who headed up the Third Mediterranean Squadron, chose an unusual stratagem: sending a booby-trapped U.S.S. Intrepid into the bay at Tripoli, one of the Barbary states of the Ottoman empire, to blow up as many of the enemy’s ships as possible. U.S. sailors packed 10,000 pounds of gunpowder into the boat along with 150 shells.

When Lieutenant Richard Sommers, who commanded the vessel, addressed his crew on the eve of the mission, a midshipman recorded his words:

“‘No man need accompany him, who had not come to the resolution to blow himself up, rather than be captured; and that such was fully his own determination!’ Three cheers was the only reply. The gallant crew rose, as a single man, with the resolution yielding up their lives, sooner than surrender to their enemies: while each stepped forth, and begged as a favor, that he might be permitted to apply the match!”

The crew of the boat then guided the Intrepid into the bay at night. So as not to be captured and lose so much valuable gunpowder to the enemy, they chose to blow themselves up with the boat. The explosion didn’t do much damage — at most, one Tripolitan ship went down — but the crew was killed just as surely as the two men who plowed a ship piled high with explosives into the U.S.S. Cole in the Gulf of Aden nearly 200 years later.

Despite the failure of the mission, Preble received much praise for his strategies. “A few brave men have been sacrificed, but they could not have fallen in a better cause,” opined a British navy commander. The Pope went further: “The American commander, with a small force and in a short space of time, has done more for the cause of Christianity than the most powerful nations of Christiandom have done for ages!”

Preble chose his tactic because his American forces were outgunned. It was a Hail Mary attempt to level the playing field. The bravery of his men and the reaction of his supporters could be easily transposed to the present day, when “fanatics” fighting against similar odds beg to sacrifice themselves for the cause of Islam and garner the praise of at least some of their religious leaders.

The blowing up of the Intrepid was not the only act of suicidal heroism in U.S. military history. We routinely celebrate the brave sacrifices of soldiers who knowingly give up their lives in order to save their unit or achieve a larger military mission. We commemorate the sacrifice of the defenders of the Alamo, who could have, after all, slunk away to save themselves and fight another day. The poetry of the Civil War is rich in the language of sacrifice. In Phoebe Cary’s poem “Ready” from 1861, a black sailor, “no slavish soul had he,” volunteers for certain death to push a boat to safety.

The heroic sacrifices of the twentieth century are, of course, commemorated in film. Today, you can buy several videos devoted to the “suicide missions” of American soldiers.

Our World War II propaganda films — er, wartime entertainments — often featured brave soldiers facing certain death. In Flying Tigers (1942), for example, pilot Woody Jason anticipates the Japanese kamikaze by several years by flying a plane into a bridge to prevent a cargo train from reaching the enemy. In Bataan (1943), Robert Taylor leads a crew of 13 men in what they know will be the suicidal defense of a critical position against the Japanese. With remarkable sangfroid, the soldiers keep up the fight as they are picked off one by one until only Taylor is left. The film ends with him manning a machine gun against wave upon wave of oncoming Japanese.

Our warrior culture continues to celebrate the heroism of these larger-than-life figures from World War II by taking real-life stories and turning them into Hollywood-style entertainments. For his series of “war stories” on Fox News, for instance, Oliver North narrates an episode on the Doolittle raid, an all-volunteer mission to bomb Tokyo shortly after Pearl Harbor. Since the bombers didn’t have enough fuel to return to their bases, the 80 pilots committed to what they expected to be a suicide mission. Most of them survived, miraculously, but they had been prepared for the ultimate sacrifice — and that is how they are billed today. “These are the men who restored the confidence of a shaken nation and changed the course of the Second World War,” the promotional material for the episode rather grandly reports. Tokyo had the same hopes for its kamikaze pilots a few years later.

Why Suicide Missions?

America did not, of course, dream up suicide missions. They form a rich vein in the Western tradition. In the Bible, Samson sacrificed himself in bringing down the temple on the Philistine leadership, killing more through his death than he did during his life. The Spartans, at Thermopylae, faced down the Persians, knowing that the doomed effort would nevertheless delay the invading army long enough to give the Athenians time to prepare Greek defenses. In the first century AD in the Roman province of Judea, Jewish Zealots and Sicarians (”dagger men”) launched suicide missions, mostly against Jewish moderates, to provoke an uprising against Roman rule.

Later, suicide missions played a key role in European history. “Books written in the post-9/11 period tend to place suicide bombings only in the context of Eastern history and limit them to the exotic rebels against modernism,” writes Niccolo Caldararo in an essay on suicide bombers. “A study of the late 19th century and early 20th would provide a spate of examples of suicide bombers and assassins in the heart of Europe.” These included various European nationalists, Russian anarchists, and other early practitioners of terrorism.

Given the plethora of suicide missions in the Western tradition, it should be difficult to argue that the tactic is unique to Islam or to fundamentalists. Yet some scholars enjoy constructing a restrictive genealogy for such missions that connects the Assassin sect (which went after the great sultan Saladin in the Levant in the twelfth century) to Muslim suicide guerrillas of the Philippines (first against the Spanish and then, in the early twentieth century, against Americans). They take this genealogy all the way up to more recent suicide campaigns by Hezbollah, Hamas, al-Qaeda, and Islamic rebels in the Russian province of Chechnya. The Tamil Tigers of Sri Lanka, who used suicide bombers in a profligate fashion, are ordinarily the only major non-Muslim outlier included in this series.

Uniting our suicide attackers and theirs, however, are the reasons behind the missions. Three salient common factors stand out. First, suicidal attacks, including suicide bombings, are a “weapon of the weak,” designed to level the playing field. Second, they are usually used against an occupying force. And third, they are cheap and often brutally effective.

We commonly associate suicide missions with terrorists. But states and their armies, when outnumbered, will also launch such missions against their enemies, as Preble did against Tripoli or the Japanese attempted near the end of World War II. To make up for its technological disadvantages, the Iranian regime sent waves of young volunteers, some unarmed and some reportedly as young as nine years old, against the then-U.S.-backed Iraqi army in the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s.

Non-state actors are even more prone to launch suicide missions against occupying forces. Remove the occupying force, as Robert Pape argues in his groundbreaking book on suicide bombers, Dying to Win, and the suicide missions disappear. It is not a stretch, then, to conclude that we, the occupiers (the United States, Russia, Israel), through our actions, have played a significant part in fomenting the very suicide missions that we now find so alien and incomprehensible in Iraq, Afghanistan, Chechnya, Lebanon, and elsewhere.

The archetypal modern suicide bomber first emerged in Lebanon in the early 1980s, a response to Israel’s invasion and occupation of the country. “The Shiite suicide bomber,” writes Mike Davis in his book on the history of the car bomb, Buda’s Wagon, “was largely a Frankenstein monster of [Israeli Defense Minister] Ariel Sharon’s deliberate creation.” Not only did U.S. and Israeli occupation policies create the conditions that gave birth to these missions, but the United States even trained some of the perpetrators. The U.S. funded Pakistan’s intelligence service to run a veritable insurgency training school that processed 35,000 foreign Muslims to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s. Charlie Wilson’s War, the book and movie that celebrated U.S. assistance to the mujihadeen, could be subtitled: Suicide Bombers We Have Known and Funded.

Finally, the technique “works.” Suicide bombers kill 12 times more people per incident than conventional terrorism, national security specialist Mohammed Hafez points out. The U.S. military has often publicized the “precision” of its airborne weaponry, of its “smart” bombs and missiles. But in truth, suicide bombers are the “smartest” bombers because they can zero in on their target in a way no missile can — from close up — and so make last-minute corrections for accuracy. In addition, by blasting themselves to smithereens, suicide bombers can’t give away any information about their organization or its methods after the act, thus preserving the security of the group. You can’t argue with success, however bloodstained it might be. Only when the tactic itself becomes less effective or counterproductive, does it recede into the background, as seems to be the case today among armed Palestinian groups.

Individual motives for becoming a suicide bomber or attacker have, when studied, proved to be surprisingly diverse. We tend to ascribe heroism to our soldiers when, against the odds, they sacrifice themselves for us, while we assume a glassy-eyed fanaticism on the part of those who go up against us. But close studies of suicide bombers suggest that they are generally not crazy, nor — another popular explanation — just acting out of abysmal poverty or economic desperation (though, as in the case of the sole surviving Mumbai suicide attacker put on trial in India recently, this seems to have been the motivation). “Not only do they generally not have economic problems, but most of the suicide bombers also do not have an emotional disturbance that prevents them from differentiating between reality and imagination,” writes Anat Berko in her careful analysis of the topic, The Path to Paradise. Despite suggestions from Iraqi and U.S. officials that suicide bombers in Iraq have been coerced into participating in their missions, scholars have yet to record such cases.

Perhaps, however, this reflects a narrow understanding of coercion. After all, our soldiers are indoctrinated into a culture of heroic sacrifice just as are the suicide bombers of Hamas. The indoctrination doesn’t always work: scores of U.S. soldiers go AWOL or join the peace movement just as some suicide bombers give up at the last minute. But the basic-training techniques of instilling the instinct to kill, the readiness to follow orders, and a willingness to sacrifice one’s life are part of the warrior ethic everywhere.

Suicide missions are, then, a military technique that armies use when outmatched and that guerrilla movements use, especially in occupied countries, to achieve specific objectives. Those who volunteer for such missions, whether in Iraq today or on board the Intrepid in 1804, are usually placing a larger goal — liberty, national self-determination, ethnic or religious survival — above their own lives.

But wait: surely I’m not equating soldiers going on suicide missions against other soldiers with terrorists who blow up civilians in a public place. Indeed, these are two distinct categories. And yet much has happened in the history of modern warfare — in which civilians have increasingly become the victims of combat — to blur these distinctions.

Terror and Civilians

The conventional picture of today’s suicide bomber is a young man or woman, usually of Arab extraction, who makes a video proclamation of faith, straps on a vest of high explosives, and detonates him or herself in a crowded pizzeria, bus, marketplace, mosque, or church. But we must expand this picture. The September 11th hijackers targeted high-profile locations, including a military target, the Pentagon. Hezbollah’s suicidal truck driver destroyed the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut on October 23, 1983, killing 241 U.S. soldiers. Thenmozhi Rajaratnam, a female Tamil suicide bomber, assassinated Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.

Suicide bombers, in other words, have targeted civilians, military installations, non-military sites of great significance, and political leaders. In suicide attacks, Hezbollah, Tamil Tiger, and Chechen suicide bombers have generally focused on military and police targets: 88%, 71%, and 61% of the time, respectively. Hamas, on the other hand, has largely targeted civilians (74% of the time). Sometimes, in response to public opinion, such movements will shift focus — and targets. After a 1996 attack killed 91 civilians and created a serious image problem, the Tamil Tigers deliberately began chosing military, police, and government targets for their suicide attacks. “We don’t go after kids in Pizza Hut,” one Tiger leader told researcher Mia Bloom, referring to a Hamas attack on a Sbarro outlet in Jerusalem that killed 15 civilians in 2001.

We have been conditioned into thinking of suicide bombers as targeting civilians and so putting themselves beyond the established conventions of war. As it happens, however, the nature of war has changed in our time. In the twentieth century, armies began to target civilians as a way of destroying the will of the population, and so bringing down the leadership of the enemy country. Japanese atrocities in China in the 1930s, the Nazi air war against Britain in World War II, Allied fire bombings of German and Japanese cities, the nuclear attacks against Hiroshima and Nagasaki, U.S. carpet bombing in Cambodia and Laos, and the targeted assassinations of the Phoenix program during the Vietnam War, Russian depredations in Afghanistan and Chechnya, the tremendous civilian casualties during the Iraq War: all this has made the idea of conventional armies clashing in an area far from civilian life a quaint legacy of the past.

Terrorist attacks against civilians, particularly September 11th, prompted military historian Caleb Carr to back the Bush administration’s declaration of a war against terror. “War can only be answered with war,” he wrote in his best-selling The Lessons of Terror. “And it is incumbent on us to devise a style of war more imaginative, more decisive, and yet more humane than anything terrorists can contrive.” This more imaginative, decisive, and humane style of war has, in fact, consisted of stepped-up aerial bombing, beefed-up Special Forces (to, in part, carry out targeted assassinations globally), and recently, the widespread use of unmanned aerial drones like the Predator and the Reaper, both in the American arsenal and in 24/7 use today over the Pakistani tribal borderlands. “Predators can become a modern army’s answer to the suicide bomber,” Carr wrote.

Carr’s argument is revealing. As the U.S. military and Washington see it, the ideal use of Predator or Reaper drones, armed as they are with Hellfire missiles, is to pick off terrorist leaders; in other words, a mirror image of what that Tamil Tiger suicide bomber (who picked off the Indian prime minister) did somewhat more cost effectively. According to Carr, such a strategy with our robot planes is an effective and legitimate military tactic. In reality, though, such drone attacks regularly result in significant civilian casualties, usually referred to as “collateral damage.” According to researcher Daniel Byman, the drones kill 10 civilians for every suspected militant. As Tom Engelhardt of TomDispatch.com writes, “In Pakistan, a war of machine assassins is visibly provoking terror (and terrorism), as well as anger and hatred among people who are by no means fundamentalists. It is part of a larger destabilization of the country.”

So, the dichotomy between a “just war,” or even simply a war of any sort, and the unjust, brutal targeting of civilians by terrorists has long been blurring, thanks to the constant civilian casualties that now result from conventional war-fighting and the narrow military targets of many terrorist organizations.

Moral Relativism?

We have our suicide bombers — we call them heroes. We have our culture of indoctrination — we call it basic training. We kill civilians — we call it collateral damage.

Is this, then, the moral relativism that so outrages conservatives? Of course not. I’ve been drawing these comparisons not to excuse the actions of suicide bombers, but to point out the hypocrisy of our black-and-white depictions of our noble efforts and their barbarous acts, of our worthy goals and their despicable ends. We — the inhabitants of an archipelago of supposedly enlightened warfare — have been indoctrinated to view the atomic bombing of Hiroshima as a legitimate military target and September 11th as a heinous crime against humanity. We have been trained to see acts like the attack in Tripoli as American heroism and the U.S.S. Cole attack as rank barbarism. Explosive vests are a sign of extremism; Predator missiles, of advanced sensibility.

It would be far better if we opened our eyes when it came to our own world and looked at what we were actually doing. Yes, “they” sometimes have dismaying cults of sacrifice and martyrdom, but we do too. And who is to say that ending occupation is any less noble than making the world free for democracy? Will Smith, in I Am Legend, was willing to sacrifice himself to end the occupation of vampires. We should realize that our soldiers in the countries we now occupy may look no less menacing and unintelligible than those obviously malevolent, science-fiction creatures. And the presence of our occupying soldiers sometimes inspires similar, Will Smith-like acts of desperation and, dare I say it, courage.

The fact is: Were we to end our occupation policies, we would go a long way toward eliminating “their” suicide bombers. But when and how will we end our own cult of martyrdom?

LOS ANGELES: Young Pakistani students used Nanotechnology to clean polluted water and won Third Place Grand Award at the Intel International Science and Engineering Fair in the United States.

An announcement here on May 14,2011 said that Ambreen Bibi and Mehwish Ghafoor of Islamabad won a Third Place Grand Award in the field of Environmental Sciences.
It said that they received the award and $ 1,000 for developing a treatment that utilizes nanotechnology to make polluted water drinkable.

Matthew Feddersen and Blake Marggraff from Lafayette, California were awarded the top prize. They received $ 75,000 and the Gordon E. Moore Award for developing a potentially more effective and less expensive cancer treatment that places tin metal near a tumor before radiation therapy.

Taylor Wilson from Reno, Nevada, was named an Intel Foundation Young Scientist Award winner and received $50,000. Taylor developed one of the lowest dose and highest sensitivity interrogation systems for countering nuclear terrorism.

‘We champion the Intel International Science and Engineering Fair because we believe that math and science are imperative for innovation’, said Naveed Siraj, Country Manager, Intel Pakistan.

‘This global competition features youth trying to solve the world’s most pressing challenges through science’.

In 2011 more than 1,500 young entrepreneurs, innovators and scientists were selected to compete in the International Science and Engineering Fair, the world’s largest high school science research competition.

Health Scenario in Pakistan

Health Scenario in Pakistan:


Health plays the key role in determining the human capital. Better health improves the efficiency and the productivity of the labor force, ultimately contributes the economic growth and leads to human welfare. To attain better the more skilful, efficient and productive human capital resources, governments subsidies the health care facilities for its people. In this regard, the public sector pays whole or some part of the cost of utilizing health care services. The size and distribution of these in-kind transfers to health sector differs from country to country but the fundamental question is how much these expenditures are productive and effective? It very much depends on the volume and the distribution of these expenditures among the people of different areas of the country. Besides the nature of the existing circumstances of the human resource, any marginal change in public sector spending on health services may have positive impact on the human capital and economic growth.
Pakistan is in the middle of epidemiological transition where almost 40 percent of total burden of disease (BOD) is accounted for by infectious/communicable diseases. These include diarrhea diseases, acute respiratory infections, malaria, tuberculosis, hepatitis B&C, and immunize childhood diseases. Another 12 percent is due to reproductive health problems. Nutritional deficiencies particularly iron deficiency anemia, Vitamin-A deficiency, iodine deficiency disorders account for further 6 percent of the total BOD. Non-communicable diseases (NCD), caused by sedentary life styles, environmental pollution, unhealthy dietary habits, smoking etc. including cardio vascular diseases, cerebro-vascular accidents, diabetes and cancers account for almost 10 percent of the BOD in Pakistan. With the increase in life expectancy, diseases/disabilities of old age especially eye problems, paralysis and bone diseases are also on rise. The drug addiction problem is growing especially in the youth. There are approximately 5 million addicts out of which 50 percent are heroin addicts. The growing threat of injecting drug users poses a great challenge when one considers the hidden cases of HIV/AIDS and hepatitis-C amongst the addict population.
In Pakistan, the probability of death under-five child mortality is at 97 per 1,000 live births with a life expectancy of 63 years. It can be seen that child mortality remains the major problem facing Pakistan. According to the WHO report 2008, figures on immunization of children under 12-months–age show that 33 percent did not get immunization against measles and 20 percent did not receive immunization against tuberculosis in Pakistan. The immunization includes treatment against tuberculosis, diphtheria, tetanus, polio and measles. Immunization is the most cost-effective and highest-impact health intervention that reduces under-five child mortality and hospitalization and treatment costs during childhood.
Introduction

In order to fulfill the health needs of the people of the vicinity regarding the human resources in medical education, Rawalpindi Medical College (RMC) is a prestigious government health institute that offers a diverse set of academic programs which are liked with advance medical research. All academic programs of the college are accredited by the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Pakistan and Pakistan Medical and Dental Council.
Rawalpindi Medical College (RMC) was established in March 1974. The institution is rapidly picking up pace with the newer needs and growing trends in medical profession. In a short time, it has become a focus of medical education, training, patient care and research & development. The institution is blessed with highly qualified and trained teachers and consultants of national and International repute. Therefore medical students have rated it as the top most choice for their studies. With 1355 students studying to be doctors at Rawalpindi Medical College and learning practical procedures, over 6500 doctors have graduated from here over the thirty years.

Rawalpindi Medical College provides rigorous educational programs. A string core of liberal teaching is the basis on which undergraduates develop the skills, knowledge and attitudes essential foe successful work, living and active, concerned citizenship.

The college has a distinguished record of research and scholarships. Members of teaching staff have won some of the most prestigious awards made by government agencies and private foundations. The college takes pride in the many scholarly books and articles written by members of teaching staff and in their contributions to upgrade the facilities provided to the humanity. Wherever possible, students are involved in research projects, the results of which are integrated into related course of instructions.

Holy Family Hospital, Benazir Bhutto Hospital and District Headquarters Hospital along with three nursing schools are associated and working under the managerial control of Rawalpindi Medical College.

The Holy Family Hospital, Rawalpindi (HFH) was established in the year 1947 and is situated in Satellite Town. Holy Family Hospital is a teaching hospital and is attached with Rawalpindi Medical College. Total numbers of beds in different wards of the hospital are 850. Most of the clinical teachings of the students are done here. Hospital is fully equipped with the latest medical equipments.

Hospital has an emergency department that works 24 hours a day and receives emergency patients. Hospital is the biggest hospital in district Rawalpindi and receives the highest number of patients in the whole district. Hospital has two units of Surgery, Medicine, and Gynecology departments along with specialists of Cardiology, ENT, Pediatric, Eye and Pathology etc. Hospital has state of the Art Radiology Department including MRI and well-equipped critical/ intensive care unit.



Rawalpindi General Hospital renamed as Benazir Bhutto Hospital (BBH) to give tribute to former prime minister of Pakistan in year 2008. Benazir Bhutto Hospital, Rawalpindi a 680 functional bedded tertiary care teaching hospital, is allied with Rawalpindi Medical College. BBH is a center for undergraduate and Post Graduate studies in different disciplines of Medicine and Surgery.



Benazir Bhutto Hospital is a state of the art health facility, well equipped with advanced Diagnostic and Therapeutic Facilities and caters for a wide ranged of patient ranging from nearest districts of Rawalpindi. Besides usual specialties there are surgical sub specialties of Orthopaedic and Urology. Moreover it is the Regional WHO Collaboration Center for mental health.



District Head Quarters (DHQ) Hospital, Rawalpindi was declared as a teaching hospital and attached with Rawalpindi Medical College, Rawalpindi in 1975. It provides health care of the inner city of Rawalpindi and also serves a referral center for trauma patients. The following beds are also included in total bed strength:

• 20 Bedded police hospital with in the Hospital

• 19 Bedded emergency block

This hospital is presently working with 357 beds. Besides usual specialties it has subspecialties of Neurosurgery and TB/Chest medicine.



School of Nursing Holy Family Hospital, Rawalpindi, School of Nursing Benazir Bhutto Hospital and School of Nursing DHQ Hospital are attached with their respective hospitals. The main purpose of the nursing schools is to produce trained and skilled nurses, to build the capacity of the nurses in specialized fields such as midwives and to improve professional standard of nursing which will ultimately affect the better patient care.

press orginizations in pakistan

All Pakistan Newspapers Society.
All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS) is the organization of the major Pakistani newspapers owners. Its election is held every year and three major groups of newspapers are the major players, and they are: Jang Group, Dawn Group and Nawa-i-Waqt Group. These groups are accused for bribing the smaller newspapers and get benefit at large from the successive governments. This is the major body which refuses to give the Wage Board Award to the working journalists. According to the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists, the labor laws are violated in the Pakistani newspaper industry but no government dares to take action against this powerful elite of the country.

What is the All Pakistan Newspaper Society?

The All Pakistan Newspapers Society is an organisation of all the publishers of Pakistan. It was founded in 1953 by the major, pioneering editors and publishers of they day to facilitate the exchange of views between the editors of the major publications of Pakistan and to protect the rights of newspapers by giving them a voice to appeal unfair decisions against them.

Today, the APNS is a clearing house of sorts for its member publications, safeguarding the commercial interests of newspapers under its membership (including tax payment). For example, if a company advertises in a publication but refuses to pay, the publication complains to the APNS. The APNS gives the agency an ultimatum: pay or get blacklisted.

This is an effective threat. Advertisers and the media have a symbiotic relationship – both need the other to survive. A newspaper’s main income comes from its advertisers (whether government owned or private), and the mass media and its wide range of audiences is the main reason advertisements are so effective. It is therefore very damaging for an advertising agency or a company to be blacklisted by the APNS, which has 243 member publications to date. These publications include weeklies, monthlies, sports magazines, women’s magazines, computer magazines, English and Urdu publications – with the exception of trade journals or newsletters, which are run within the company they originate from. (It is also very unlikely that they will run into trouble with the government considering their content is on leather or the quality of cotton threads or so on).

Neither journalists nor editors, though, have much to do with the dealings of the APNS. This may seem a bit misleading, with the ‘newspapers’ part of the title. The APNS, however, has nothing to do with the editorial content of any newspaper or publication. The APNS exists solely to give newspapers a voice if they are treated unfairly, or, as explained above, to protect their commercial interest. (Editors and journalists have their own organisations – the Council of Pakistan Editors (CPNE) and the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) respectively).

Today, there are 71 accredited advertising agencies and 243 publications under the APNS umbrella. The full list of these can be obtained from the latest APNS directory or APNS Awards Journal.When Pakistan first appeared on the map, the Muslims of India got what they wished for after years of struggle. Unfortunately, along with this new piece of land they also inherited many problems. From unstoppable refugees to depleted army supplies to a sore lack of money, Pakistan had immense trouble getting into gear. Not surprisingly, these many problems included problems with the press – or more specifically, problems with freedom of the press. It is often said that the ‘blackest of black press laws’ came about in 1960, (and its amendment in 1963) in the form of Ayub Khan’s Press and Publications Ordinance (PPO). It was called such because it gave the government total, absolute control, and journalists were reduced to mere stenographers.

However, it would be a mistake to assume that nobody attempted to interfere with the press before that. To put into perspective how dismal the situation was, Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s opening speech was nearly censored by bureaucrats who were unhappy with the reference to the masses being able to worship wherever they pleased, be it mosques or temples. This set the tone for what was to follow for the press. Obviously, the print media had the largest reach at the time. Consequently, it suffered the most.

Who were the founding fathers of the APNS?

Founders: Hamid Nizami, Altaf Hussain – all the important, pioneering editors of the day. In 1950, the Pakistan Newspapers Society (PNS) was founded (to emerge the existing publishers), when the editors of the time realised that the print media a) needed organisation and b) needed a clearing house. However, the PNS didn’t last for very long as it didn’t receive much support from publishers, advertisers or authorities.

Three years later in 1953 the All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS) came into being. It was badly needed to ‘facilitate the exchange of views amongst newspaper owners on matters of common interest. APNS successfully gave newspaper owners the means to watch over, protect, preserve and promote the rights and interest of the newspaper industry on matters directly or indirectly affecting its rights and interests.’ The Daily DAWN was the founding member. It was decided that the headquarters would be in Karachi, where they are to this day.

A couple of years later in 1955, the Council of Pakistan Editors (CPNE) was established as a representative body of the editors of the publications of Pakistan. Both the CPNE and the APNS struggled against black press laws that trampled over the freedom of the press. They have been successful in varying degrees. For example, they had been repealing the Press and Publications Ordinance passed by Ayub Khan in 1960 (and later amended in 1963). The ordinance gave total control to the government – even reports on the National Assembly proceedings were monitored). Journalists were reduced to stenographers. After a long, drawn out struggle, the law was taken back in 1988 when Benazir Bhutto came to power. Whether this was because of the valiant struggles of the APNS and CPNE or because the authorities concerned did not want Bhutto to have power is too close to call. Nevertheless, to put in perspective how it has expanded over the years, in 1971 it headed 41 publications with only the major publications involved. Today, there are 262, covering the two major newsgroups, Dawn and Jang, and many smaller publications covering most of the accessible region in Pakistan. (This might have more to do with there being more publications in Pakistan now than the APNS’s prowess at recruiting publications. It is much easier to start a newspaper or publication now than it was before – rather than going through the rigmarole of seeking permission from the government or concerned authorities, anyone can inform the government that they would like to begin their own publication. If they get a response within four months, it is assumed that permission has been granted).

Role and actions of the APNS

The focus today seems to be more on commercial than freedom. Many advertising agencies have been blacklisted, usually because they did not pay on time or at all. The APNS, therefore has two functions: first, to safeguard the commercial interests of newspapers and second, to protect the rights of newspapers and publications. Enter freedom of speech. Given Pakistan’s troubled history, though, it has had its work cut out for it in this regard. When it comes to the freedom of the press, the APNS and the CPNE have struggled together. (It is in both their interests, obviously).

There are many instances where the press has been hounded by the government, notably in the 50s and 60s, and even more recently than that. The APNS maintains that it has always assisted the press and fought for its freedom rights. To illustrate how, here is some background information.

In late 1998, the Jang Group office was raided by a government investigative agency under the cover of 'routine examination' for ‘tax purposes’. Along with this routine examination, it was ‘suggested’ that 16 investigative reporters be laid off (from Jang and The News). This was because incriminating stories about the Prime Minister’s family not paying debts were being run. According to the Jang group, the ‘routine examination’ was nothing more than a ploy to stop their newspapers printing these incriminating (albeit true) stories about important officials. Despite being asked explicitly not to publish any more, the Jang group went ahead anyway. The investigative officials were sent away.

Soon after this, the government cut off all its advertising to all Jang group newspapers. The publications had not technically broken any laws, so nobody could be arrested. Cutting off advertising, however, was just as bad, if not worse. Just as companies lose a lot of money if they are blacklisted by an organisation with 242 publications under it, it is very damaging to newspapers to have their main source of advertising taken away as this is how they make most of their money. For the icing on the cake, tax evasion notices were issued to the Jang group and its owners, Mir Shakilur Rehman and Mir Javed ur Rehman amounting to nearly Rs 2 billion. Several FIRs were lodged against him, and he was in danger of being arrested on a wrongful tax evasion charge. To contest all these charges the Jang group held a press conference the following month. Here, the government claimed that it should have a say in which journalist worked for which newspaper. The Jang group’s plan backfired, as the press conference also resulted in the government freezing its bank account and confiscating newsprint – at the end of the day, the group had enough newsprint to be able to print for only three days a week. Salaries could no longer be paid, and newspapers would obviously have trouble getting printed without newsprint. It seemed unlikely that the Jang group could continue publishing for very long.

The APNS then formed a committee from which it could appeal to the government and the Supreme Court. The committee informed the government that it had little right to remove journalists from their jobs. The APNS representatives stated to both the federal information minister and separately to the Ehtesab Bureau chief, that they would not remove journalists from their jobs as a result of government pressure. This was confirmed the same night in a BBC interview and subsequently in correspondence with the Ehtesab Bureau. The case was appealed to the Supreme Court, where the government was asked to release the newsprint back to the newspapers. The government declined. Anyone who contested it was beaten up. The PFUJ, silent for so long, now stood up and protested.

When other newspapers provided the Jang group with newsprint (perhaps out of sympathy?), they were threatened by irate FIA officials that their newspapers too would be forced to shut down. In February, the Supreme Court, at the behest of the APNS, once again ordered the release of the newspint, which the government finally released.The FIA officers were withdrawn from the Jang offices, the bank accounts went back to normal and publication resumed.

The one positive aspect that emerged from all this was that the government’s antics meant everyone’s sympathy was directed towards the Jang group – not just the common public (which for the most part is unaware of the mighty struggles of the press) but of journalists, publishers, national and international media organisations.

The Jang group claims that the APNS provided it with no help. The APNS disagrees, and issued a press release in the past to clear up the matter. Here is what the APNS president had to say: "The APNS has been instrumental in reducing the fetters from the Jang Group in the 21-day period in January. During this time, detained newsprint dealer was released from the custody of the FIA without any preconditions. During the crisis period, the APNS also affected the single largest clearance of newsprint reels.

"The APNS played a pivotal role in the opening of hitherto frozen bank accounts in the nationalised banks especially in Habib Bank Limited, and by the end of the 21-day period had facilitated the re-opening of Letters of Credit which had been earlier stopped by the tax authorities."

According to him, the government deliberately delayed both the unfreezing of the bank accounts and the releasing of newsprint, which was not the APNS's fault. The struggles of the APNS, combined with the Council of Pakistan Newspaper Editors (CPNE) finally achieved the Freedom of Information Ordinance in 2002. (Unfortunately, the Defamation Ordinance also snaked its way in, which prevented freedom being practised the way it should).

Awards of the APNS

Journalists and advertisers both are encouraged to achieve the best by standards set by the APNS. Should they surpass these standards, they receive awards at an annual awards ceremony (the last of which was held on 31 March 2006). The Advertising Awards were initiated in 1981, with Journalist Awards following in 1982. Advertising Awards are given on a 1st, 2nd, 3rd basis and include: Business Performance Awards

Client Performance Awards

Product Launch Award

Best Copy Award (English and Urdu)

Best Visual Design (colour and black and white)

Public Service Campaign

The Journalist Awards, however, are awarded differently, with only one person winning each category. The categories include: Best Scoop

Best Column

Best Feature (English, Urdu, Regional)

Best Investigative Report

Best Cartoon

Best Photograph

Best Article (English, Urdu, Regional)

The Wage Board Award is a salary package given to newspapers. The APNS has been consistently denying the Wage Board award to its journalists, and has come under fire for it but consistently refuses to give it, which, according to the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists, is against the law, but no one dares to do anything against the county’s elite.

To sum up, then, the APNS is a clearing house and an enforcer of press freedom rules/laws. It is quite successful with the former – the latter is not as easy. The freedom of the media in Pakistan has come a long way, even though it might not have reached where it has without the help of the APNS. But it still has some more to go, even though it has been told (by the present government) it will be fully supported in transforming the press into a free one, bearing in mind that a state can function properly only if the press is free to do its job.

The Associated Press of Pakistan (APP):
The Associated Press of Pakistan (APP) started its life in 1947 with the independence of Pakistan. Initially it was run through a Trust, but owing to financial bottlenecks, it was taken over by the Government through an Ordinance called; "Associated Press of Pakistan (taking over) Ordinance 1961", on 15th June 1961, to put it on a sound financial footing.
The journalists were allowed to retain their independent status under this ordinance. They were not regarded as government or semi-government employees and were governed by Labour Laws, which also encompass Newspaper Industry in Pakistan.
APP was later converted into Corporation on October 19, 2002 through an Ordinance renaming it as Associated Press of Pakistan Corporation (APPC) and lending a status of semi government media government.
It is no longer administered by the labour laws. The rules of APPC are pending notification by the Establishment Division and it is administered through the Managing Director, appointed by the Government.
Notwithstanding its conversion into Corporation, the News Agency continues to enjoy and avail the professional freedom. APPC is country’s premier national news agency which comprises highly qualified and professionally competent editorial staffers.
APP remains committed to excellent journalistic traditions by objective and accurate reporting, observing code of ethics with regard to responsible journalism. A contradiction of an APP story is a rare phenomenon.
The News Agency is mandated to ensure coverage of all important developments and events sans any prejudice on diverse fronts within the country and abroad with objective professional approach.
Beginning its life in small buildings in Karachi, Lahore and Rawalpindi with the reporters relying on bulky typewriters and noisy tele- printers, the APP over the years has grown into a state-of-the-art and modern news organization.
Computers have replaced typewriters and the Agency's offices are connected through Local, and Wide Area Networks. From a transmission speed of 50 words per minute, it now provides news at a speed of 1200 WPM, most of which is directly fed into the computers of the subscribers simultaneously throughout Pakistan and overseas. Currently APP has its own buildings at Islamabad and Lahore.
The news agency is playing a leading role by supplying authentic and credible news to the print and electronic media round-the-clock. Around one thousand news, over two hundred pictures and clean feed of Video News Service (VNS) containing important events and developments are put on wire daily for onward consumption by the media subscribers.
The number of news reports, released to the National Media daily in English, Urdu, Sindhi and Pushto languages have recorded significant improvement with complete domination over all other news agencies in the country.
Print and pictorial news service of APP unabatedly wrest prominent space in the national and regional English, Urdu, Sindhi and Pushto papers. APP’s Special Correspondents, posted at key destinations abroad including Washington, New York, London, Beijing and New Delhi are making effective contribution towards promoting country’s image and stance on various national and regional issues in their true perspective.
With strong editorial network at the Headquarters, Provincial Bureaus, Stations and District Correspondents, the news agency is rendering important professional contribution to cater to the requirements of print, electronic and pictorial media in various fields.
Five new stations including Sialkot, Abbotabad, Sargodha, D.I.Khan and Bahawalpur have been set up by APP besides expanding the network of the District Correspondents to ensure extensive coverage of political, economic and social activities at the grassroots level.
Enjoying sizeable amount of freedom, APP is comprehensively and extensively covering all important developments and engagements of the ruling coalition as well as opposition political parties with unbiased approach. Objectivity and credibility of the news are the hallmark of the sound professional footing of the news agency.
The Charter of Functions is to:
- Ensure free and efficient flow of news to the people through print and electronic media including radio, television and newspapers as well as business and non-media subscribers for which they pay a regular monthly subscription to APP.
- Supply unbiased and reliable print and pictorial news service speedily and contribute features to national and international print and electronic news agencies, newspapers, radio and television networks with which it has entered into agreements. 
- Transmit correct and reliable political, economic, financial and commercial news including national and international rates of commodities to its subscribers; expand and develop news service in the country ensuring high journalistic standards.
RECENT INITIATIVES:
APP Video News Service, which was formally launched in October last year is well-positioned to cater to the needs of news channels. This is a major leap forward, expanding and enhancing the agency's role in the national media by providing clean feed on major developments and important events to the electronic media organizations within the country and abroad. 
The agency has transformed its website making it professionally more vibrant as important multi-lingual news reports, photos and VNS footage are promptly placed on it through fast updating mechanism.
The website, which serves as a reservoir of latest news as well as archive of transmitted news, is frequented by thousands of individuals and organizations, particularly Pakistani missions abroad, which is reflective of its professional significance.
Important news are also translated in Arabic language which are not only placed on the website, but also transmitted to the print and electronic media of the Arab World.
Another important feature of the APP professional working is extensive monitoring of major local and foreign news channels and the news based on this exercise capture tangible space in the newspapers on perennial basis.
APP has News Exchange Agreements with 37 Foreign News Agencies under which bouquet of important news is transmitted to them on daily basis with an aim to showcasing Pakistan’s point of view on regional and international affairs.
Sans any suspicion, APP is armed with new professional techniques and skills by making inroads in modern and contemporary regime of Information Technology to satiate the professional appetite of competitive media subscribers.
With experienced professional hands and young blood, APP is well-positioned to make bold forays on professional horizons in view of sea change in the country’s media.
Discarding the temptation of any complacency, professional strategy of APP News Service is revisited as and when required to withstand fast emerging professional challenges in the media sector.

Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority(PEMRA):
The Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) is a regulatory body established by Pakistan on 1 March 2002.The Authority is responsible for facilitating and regulating the establishment and operation of all private broadcast media and distribution services in Pakistan established for the purpose of international, national, provincial, district, and local or special target audiences.

PEMRA's Mandate:

· Improve the standards of information, education and entertainment.
· Enlarge the choice available to the people of Pakistan in the media for news, current affairs, religious knowledge, art, culture, science, technology, economic development, social sector concerns, music, sports, drama and other subjects of public and national interest.
· Facilitate the devolution of responsibility and power to the grass roots by improving the access of the people to mass media at the local and community level.
· Ensure accountability, transparency and good governance by optimization the free flow of information.

Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR):

Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) is an administrative organization within the military of Pakistan that coordinates military information with Pakistan's public press. The ISPR is now headed by Major General Athar Abbas who took over from Major General Waheed Arshad on 15 January 2008.

History
The public relations requirements of the Armed Forces are looked after by the ISPR Directorate. The ISPR Directorate was established in 1947. The Directorate is staffed with military and civilian officers. It functions as a part of the Joint Staff Headquarters and its purpose is to garner national support for the Armed Forces and strengthen their resolve to accomplish the assigned mission while undermining the will of the adversary. It also acts as an interface between the Armed Forces, the media and the public. It formulates much of the media policy of Pakistan's military, safeguards the Armed Forces from negative influences and monitors both international and domestic media.

The ISPR also issues notices regarding military exercises and notifies relevant parties and the public media about Pakistan's indigenous ballistic missile testing program. Apart from functioning as the public relations body of the Pakistan Army, the ISPR handles exclusive dissemination of information regarding Pakistan's military operations in Wana & Swat. The news of a clash in Balochistan between military contingents and unknown armed personnel resulting in the death of the tribal leader Nawab Akbar Bugti was also verified once the ISPR issued comments on the news. The news regarding the recent events of the Lal Masjid conflict was also disseminated by the ISPR.

The ISPR has also produced TV drama serials, such as the widely popular Alpha Bravo Charlie, Sunehre Din, 6th September Nishan-e-Haider plays and the recent miniseries Wilco.

Internews Pakistan:

An international non-government organization operational in over 40 countries, Internews supports open media worldwide. Internews Pakistan is training radio journalists and station managers in the standards and practices of professional journalism and assisting journalism curriculum development. It is also lobbying for media law and policy development all aimed at fostering a vigorous and diverse mass media as an essential cornerstone of a progressive society.

Internews Network is implementing a media assistance program in Pakistan, supporting the fledgling non-government radio stations and other media-representative bodies with technical, editorial and management training.

Goals:

Internews recognizes the efforts of the Government of Pakistan in opening up the broadcast media sector in particular and looks to strengthening this endeavor. Internews will engage key non-government media being built and strengthened so they may fulfill their new role as alternative voices in a country that is experiencing an open and plural media in the broadcast sector for the first time in its history. The overall goal of the Internews program is to ensure skilled, independent and financially viable media outlets exist, particularly in the broadcast sector, and are able to provide citizens of Pakistan with quality information and education programs.

Internews assists the Pakistani broadcast media to serve as a principal conduit for dialogue, as the people increasingly seek to communicate with their local, provincial and national leaderships. On its own and in collaboration with selected partners in Pakistan, Internews seeks to strengthen the technical competence of targeted media institutions to ensure their long-term sustainability through its program. The Pakistani broadcast sector, especially the private sector radio stations that have been issued licenses to operate, face the challenge of standardizing skills and strengthening their capacities to function effectively in the improving broadcast media environment.

Challenges:

Key challenges to a successful broadcast media in Pakistan include:
· A lack of technical know-how and equipment maintenance skills.
· Establishing and maintaining economic viability.
· Exercising their rights and responsibilities as decreed in the constitution and law.
· Practicing accurate and balanced analytical reporting.
· Reporting on the parliament to promote good governance.
· Building capacities to report events and processes at the local level.
Activities:
Internews is implementing a number of activities that will meet these urgent needs and is assisting the building of a viable independent media as Pakistan progresses in opening up its broadcast sector. Internews activities that seek to address these challenges in Pakistan include:
· Technical support and hands-on training for journalists and radio stations
· In-house mentoring for radio stations by international experts
· Seminars and support for community radio
· Legal resource assistance to the stakeholders, including the broadcast sector regulator, in improving the broadcast media environment
· Technical and legal assistance to stakeholders in media policy development
Through these undertakings, Internews will be playing an important role in helping improve the regulatory environment and the media broadcast sector in Pakistan. Internews is an international organization that operates in about 40 countries to promote open media worldwide.

PAKISTAN Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ):

PAKISTAN Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) is a trade Union of working journalists of Pakistan. But its 50 years history proves that it is more than a trade union. It is in fact a movement whose annals are replete with memorable battles both in the field of earning an honorable living wages and waging a relentless crusade for the noble cause of freedom of the press and expression.

While discussing the history of the PFUJ one must not be oblivious of the fact that the organization grew up facing great odds. In Pakistan trade unions have never been allowed to function freely. The feudal-capitalist oriented establishment has always treated them with a pinch of salt incredulously often considering them as” communist” and” subversive “. That is why even today while technically speaking we have the right of association and right of strike these are subject to such restrictive provision that in effect they negate their free exercise.

The successive government has introduced marginal reforms and in essence has ensured protection of the system of exploitation. The one glaring example of this is the vicious system of employment on contract basis legitimised and patronised by the officialdom (both civilian and military) in collusion with the capitalist class. This system deprives the workers of all benefits accruing from the labour laws proving the adage giving by one hand and taking back by another.

In the field of purely economic demands the PFUJ’s past history is marked by memorable milestones such as the 49-day long strike in 1949 in the daily “Sindh Observer”, Karachi, led by the Sindh Union of Journalists which later played a leading role in the formation of the PFUJ in 1950, the strike in the” Times of Karachi” 1954, daily “Anjam” Karachi. (1966), daily “Kohistan” Lahore (1969), the hunger strike led by the PPL (Pakistan Times and Imroze) workers union and joined by the PUJ for the reinstatement of the four lower grade employees in January 1977, the historic 10-days countrywide strike for the implementation of the interim award by the Second Wage Board in April 1970, and over 45-days long hunger strike movement in 1974 for the reinstatement of arbitrarily sacked journalists and other employees of the daily “Musawaat” Lahore. This was a countrywide movement resulting in imprisonment of over 300 journalists and press workers.

The 1970 ten-day countrywide strike may be remembered for a number of significant reasons. The main reason of course was the intransigence and refusal by the proprietor’s body (the All Pakistan Newspapers Society) to accept and implement the award announced by the Second Wage Board for 35 per cent interim relief after a decade-long wage freeze. It may be pertinent to note that at that time the Wage Board and its award was legally meant for the journalists alone and did not cover other employees of Newspapers and News Agencies and yet the APNS was not prepared to accept and implement it. This belies and knocks out the genuineness of the APNS’s argument it is advancing at present that it is agreeable to implement the Seventh Wage Board Award to the Journalists but not for the others employees. It was the APNS’s refusal to implement the Second wage Board Award even after losing their petitions in the High Court that the PFUJ had to resort to the weapon of strike.

One may recall how in desperation the fourteen Newspaper editors and proprietors issued a joint statement a few days before the strike began alleging that the strike was inspired by ” Communists and Maulana Bhashani”. They shamelessly asked General Yahya’s Military Government to intervene and take action against the PFUJ and its leaders under Martial Law Regulations.

Another significant aspect of the 1970 strike was that for the first time it provided a joint platform of action for the entire Newspaper workers community-journalists, calligraphists and press workers. As the first and second Wage Board were for journalists alone. PFUJ repeatedly asked the government to either form a separate Wage Board for other workers of the Newspaper industry or include them in the board meant for journalists. The PFUJ’s argument was that a newspaper is produced not only by journalists, but by the collective labour and effort of all the employees of a newspaper establishment who work under the same roof, paid by the same employer, and equally affected by vagaries of socio-economic conditions including the price hike. It was for this reason that the PFUJ’s four-point strike charter included the demand for payment of the interim relief to the non-journalists employees also. It was because of the united struggle of the newspaper industry workers that the strike was successful and the employers were made to pay the interim relief not only to the journalists but to the non-journalists employees as well.

Now the APNS, which earlier boycotted the Seventh Wage Board, is now refusing to implement its award. It is not doing it by invoking the bogy of” Communist” or some” Maulana Bhashani “. It is now raising such hackneyed slogans as” financial freedom “,” laissez faire” and” democratic dispensation “. When they urge for” laissez faire”, they infect want” laissez aller “; that is to say unrestricted freedom to exploit. When it talks of ” democratic dispensation” or ” press control” in respect of the Wage Board, it forgets the newspaper employees ( condition of service) act, 1973 is a legislation passed and adopted unanimously by an elected parliament. It is this act under which the constitution of the Wage Board for newspaper employees is provided. Now both the APNS and CPNE (another name of APNS) are asking a military government to repeal a legislation introduced by a democratically elected parliament. What a concern for democratic dispensation and role of law.

Except for the present U-turn, the APNS has been Willy Nilly accepting the Wage Board arrangement for the last forty years since these were first introduced in 1960. And the Wage board was not the creation of a Government fiat. It was a unanimously adopted resolution of the constituent Assembly of Pakistan which asked the Government to appoint a Press Commission to study the conditions of the national press with particular reference to the working conditions of journalists on the lines of Royal Press Commission of Britain .It was in pursuance of a PFUJ’s demand and the constituent assembly resolution that the government appointed a press commission in 1954, which could not function due to rivalry commission was again reconstituted in 1958 under the chairmanship of Justice Tayyabji of the Sindh High Court. It worked with full co-operation of the working journalists and the proprietors and editors and submitted its report in March 1959. It was this commission that recommended the constitution of a Wage Board for working journalists. First Wage Board was constituted in 1960. The Newspaper Employees (Condition of Service) Act, 1973, provided the setting up of the wage board for all newspaper employees as demanded by the PFUJ. During the last forty years that saw seven wage boards and their awards, the newspaper proprietors have prospered enormously. They grew from” Lakhpati” to”Crorpati“and from”Crorpati” to” Arabpati “. They have expanded their business, brought out new editions of their newspapers from different cities, adding new dailies and periodicals and launching side business ventures thus beefing up their assets and finances in geometrical progression. Add to this the phenomenal increase in their earning from advertisements (increase both in space and rates) and circulation. Keep in view the fact that they increased the per copy price of their newspapers from Rupees One to Ten in the case of Urdu dailies and up to thirteen in the case of English. Some of the newspaper owners are ready to launch T.V. channels and cable networks. And the millions of rupees the APNS’s members used to deposit in their bank accounts through the illegal sale of newsprint, they were receiving in excess of their requirements in the form of quotas granted by the successive governments.

It goes to the credit of PFUJ and its leadership that they never considered their struggle in isolation. They not only worked hard to unite with other employees within the newspaper industry but also strived to close their ranks with toiling masses of other industries and professions at large for the common cause of their welfare and fighting against the forces of exploitation. It was for this objective that the PFUJ was able to first organize the Central Ad-hoc Committee for the newspaper Employees Unions (CACNEU) in 1973 and later established the All Pakistan Newspaper Employees Confederation (APNEC) in 1976. In October 1977, at the initiative of the PFUJ the Karachi Workers Coordination Committee (KWCC) was formed comprising leading trade Union federations of Sindh. The KWCC was expanded into All Pakistan organization known as Pakistan Workers Coordination Committee or Pakistan Mazdoor Rabita Committee at a representative meeting held in Lahore in January 1978 following the gruesome police firing on striking workers of the Colony Textile Mills, Multan, resulting in the death of scores of workers. This was the period of General Zia-ul-Haq’s Martial Law and the official Inquiry Committee appointed to probe into this bloody incident never published its report.

The PFUJ has never favoured extra constitutional and authoritarian governance regardless of its form- military or Civilian. For it strongly believes that without a constitutional framework and democratic dispensation rooted in the consent and aspirations of the people protecting and promoting their fundamental interests, freedom of the press and expression cannot flourish. The PFUJ has seen and faced stringent martial law regimes as well as autocratic civilian governments and courageously fought for a free press and workers’ rights and its crusade offered great sacrifices.

It also believes that both the struggle for freedom of the press and struggle for workers economic and other rights are inseparable from each other as they are integral elements of their fundamental human rights. The main essence and objective of these human rights is to establish a civil society free from oppression, injustice and exploitation. These days it is a fashion to use the term” civil society” in a totally abstract manner. If the majority of the people of a society i.e. the workers, peasants and middle classes are oppressed and exploited that society can neither be civil nor democratic howsoever it may be labeled. The Pakistani society from its very inception has been under a system of oppression and exploitation. The system is multi-facet. It is both feudal and capitalistic as well as neo-colonialist operating through the international financial institutions like the IMF, World Bank, and indeed the so-called globalization. Unfortunately most of our ruling classes — military as well as civilian –, the big business, the big feudal, the upper echelons of the bureaucracy and even some of the NGOs funded by foreign donors are sold out to this system of exploitation. They are the defenders of status quo in the name of Islam, democracy, stability and human rights.

The attitude of the Musharraf government towards the print media has been so far permissive. They have been tolerating criticism much against their grain. However they have kept a tight control over the electronic media -Television and Radio – wherein the views and news in opposition to the government are not permitted, as was the case during the civilian regimes. However the stringent manner in which the military government has banned trade union and political activities and imposed its own concept of selective accountability and justice is reflective of its authoritarian and oppressive nature.

Before concluding, reference in passing may be made to the reported agreement between the Information Ministry and the Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors (over 90 per cent proprietors i.e. publishers who have nothing to do with the editing of the newspapers) regarding formation of a Press Council. According to newspaper reports the Government and the CPNE have already agreed on the draft” law” of the Council which can be established anytime through an Ordinance. The draft has been kept a tightly closed secret and has not been publicised with a view to soliciting public opinion on its constitutional framework and the code of ethics it has to follow. Now this is the sixth or seventh time since 1963 (following the introduction of the infamous Press Ordinance) that a ” Press Council ” or a ” Press Court of Honour ” with a Code of ethics for the print media alone is being given birth to – the Government always being the midwife (though the babe always proved to be still-born). The PFUJ in principle has never been against the formation of an independent and non-governmental press council with an agreed code. But its position has been that in a country where the executive is armed with extraordinary coercive laws, which could be used to stifle the press, and where the authorities and the electronic media are not bound by any code of ethics, formation of a press council would amount to chaining the press doubly. And the PFUJ continues to stick to this position.

According to reports the press council being set up by the government-CPNE-APNS combined will neither be independent nor self -regulatory as it will be a statutory body fully funded by the government and largely manned by the proprietors. In democracies like UK, Germany and France the press councils are non-governmental, genuinely independent, and self-regulatory and financed by press bodies themselves. And their indeed are no coercive laws like MPO and where the electronic media is also governed by an agreed democratic code.

Intermedia:

Intermedia is a registered not-for-profit organization working for journalists' capacity building and strengthening freedom of information since 2005. In the last two years Intermedia has held theme-based training workshops for media persons in different parts of the country.

Our main objective is to promote free media through fair media laws and reforms, to make research, advocacy and monitoring and to strengthen media rights bodies. As we believe in freedom of expression, access to information and citizens making informed opinions and decisions, our core value is to promote an informed, democratic and tolerant society.
Intermedia aim at strengthening freedom of expression in Pakistan and provide information about Pakistani media and also that monitors violations of press freedom in the country.
The Center reaches out to other Pakistani institutions in the field, including media outlets, educational institutions, research centers, government agencies and regulators and legislators. The center focuses on specific areas of concerns, such as defamation, media law and policy, and the relationship between mass media and the courts. The center is also the point of contact for other rule on law projects that have no mass media component. One such project would be model courts that emphasize transparency of court procedure, which could benefit from public exposure.
Mission:
Practicing reporters and journalism students have greater access to information about case law and legal issues of public importance. Stipends support increased publication and dissemination of articles and programs on legal issues, media law, the court system, important cases, and the rule of law in Pakistan. Journalists and media managers routinely turn to the website for background on legal issues. Journalists, institutions and the public have greater access to information, opinions and discussions of legal issue. Case studies to improve understanding of threats to freedom of expression.

The Women Media Center (WMC):
The Women Media Center (WMC) is a non-profit organization and its core function is to carry out research, training and education of media women. The WMC is a unique body in its conception and functions. Diverse factors contributed to establish such body primarily due to feeble democratic structure in Pakistan and insignificant number of women in mainstream media. Another objective of the WMC is to promote new and creative ways of thinking among the Pakistani women so that their valuable suggestions may be included in the country’s polices.
The WMC is currently involved in organizing projects, which will promote women journalists to work in an enabling professional environment with major media organizations and work for strengthening democracy and other vital societal issues.
Currently situated in the largest metropolis of Pakistan i.e. Karachi, the WMC aspires not only to reach all areas of Pakistan but also to expand its operation in whole of South Asia.
Mission:
Aim to provide professional environment to women journalist.
Strive to raise awareness of democratic and civic issues from the perspective of Pakistani women journalist.
Endeavor to increase women's participation in the mainstream media through training, research and education.
Address the entry barriers confronted by women journalist and maintain liaison with media industry to facilitate against women journalist.

Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF):
Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF) is an independent media research, documentation and training centre working to promote and defend freedom of press.
Objectives:
· To help raise the standards of journalism particularly of the vernacular and regional press.
· To promote and defend freedom of expression in Pakistan and internationally.
· To encourage research on mass communication in Pakistan.
· To promote through the media, greater awareness of social and development issues.
Activities:

· Seminars and workshops on issues in mass communication.
· Training for journalists.
· Development of training materials for journalists.
· Professional research and documentation on media in Pakistan.
International status:
PPF is recognised internationally as a credible organization working to improve the standards of journalism and defending freedom of expression. The PPF is a member of the Commonwealth Press Union (CPU), International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX), and Commonwealth Journalists Association (CJA), Asia Media and Information Centre (AMIC), Commonwealth Association for Education in Journalism and Communications (CAEJC), Council of Asian-Pacific Press Institutes (CAPPI) and the Asian-Pacific Communication Network. In 2000, The Royal Society for the Arts, UK approves the PPF for issuing National Vocational Qualifications (NVQs) in journalism.

The PPF collaborates with leading national and international organizations in organizing training activities including the Commonwealth Press Union (CPU), UNESCO, Friedrich Ebert Sifting (FES), The Thompson Foundation, The British Council, The Knight International Foundation, and International Centre for Foreign Journalists and The Freedom Forum.